By Marisa León-Gómez Sonet
Reprinted with permission.
Originally published for NACLA. https://nacla.org/news/2021/06/08/immigration-policy-must-look-beyond-border
In March 2021, over 18,000 unaccompanied minors arrived at the U.S. southern border fleeing precarious conditions in Central America. Many policymakers seem to view what is taking place at the border as a “crisis” or “surge” due to so-called “open-border” under President Joe Biden’s administration. However, unaccompanied minors coming to the United States searching for safety should never be viewed as any sort of national security threat.
The current border situation is not because of an
“open-borders” policy, and the Biden administration has not opened the border.
Rather, Biden is using the same failed policies of the last several years. This
includes the provision known as Title 42, a public health policy that the Trump
and Biden administrations have invoked to expel asylum seekers without due
process under the auspices of Covid-19 precautions and concerns. The policy has
been particularly damaging to Black immigrants, proving the grounds for the
government’s deportation of 27 planeloads—more than 1,400 individuals—of
Haitian adults and children since February 2021. The Biden administration
recently extended Temporary Protected Status to Haitians for 18 months.
Although a significant win, some warn this will be another band-aid solution.
If the United States truly wants to stem the increase of
immigrants and immigration on the southern border, it must first speak to the
root causes of the situation, including the fragile, dangerous reality people
and communities in Central America face every day. President Biden has tasked
Vice President Kamala Harris and Special Envoy for the Northern Triangle
Ricardo Zúñiga with addressing the root causes of migration from that region.
The administration announced $4 billion in aid over four years, in addition to
$310 million in emergency Covid-19 aid to Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador.
Although aid should be a crucial aspect of addressing economic problems, it can
have consequences that contradict its intentions, particularly if the money
goes to the military and police forces.
The Northern Triangle countries sadly prove the point. The
United States provides military and security funding to governments and
military forces in the region that target their own citizens. This means that
many of the human rights violations carried out by these Central American
militaries are done with U.S. tax-payer money and tacit support. For instance,
in 2017, Honduras was named as the deadliest country in the world for
environmental activism. A Global Witness report outlines how the Honduran
police and military are heavily implicated in violence against land and
environmental activists. Although the U.S. provides the region aid for
different issues including economic growth and good governance, the largest
sums goes to the security sector. That money has partially served to support
governments that use state security forces to supress dissent and activism.
International development projects, often funded by
development agencies and private sector business, can also fuel human rights
abuses throughout the region. Development projects can and have resulted in natural
resources being exploited and environmental and human rights defenders being
targeted for harassment. The assassination of human rights and environmental
defender Berta Cáceres in Honduras is just one tragic example that illustrates
the broader point. The dam that Berta and the Lenca-led organization COPINH
were protesting was partially financed by USAID and by other international
development organizations, including the World Bank and FinnFund.
Additionally, the Honduran military, which receives millions
from the U.S. government, was found to be involved in Cáceres murder. The
hitmen included army officers, and two had received military training in the
United States. The Biden administration must make sure that aid is channeled
mostly through local human rights and nongovernmental organizations paired with
strict accountability measures. The administration should suspend military aid
to Honduras and condition it until the human rights situation is significantly
addressed, including with human rights violators being brought to justice.
Unaccompanied minors and other migrants come to the United
States due to systematic causes. These include corruption, human rights abuses,
gang and gender-based violence, poverty, and climate change—all of which have
been exacerbated during the pandemic. U.S. policy toward Central America can
either perpetuate or help remedy long-standing structural causes.
A recent example comes from 2017. After unrest stemming from
fraudulent elections, the Trump administration recognized Honduras as compliant
with human rights, despite statements and reports to the contrary from the
United Nations, the Interamerican Commission on Human Rights, and civil society
organizations in both the United States and Honduras. The United States recognizing
Honduras as complaint with human rights, and looking away from fraudulent
elections and other systematic abuses, helped cement the power of President
Juan Orlando Hernández and other public officials at various levels who have
been implicated in the illicit drug business. This includes the president’s
brother, a former congressman, who was just recently found guilty of drug
trafficking in the United States. The path to Hernández’s rise to power was
paved by the 2009 military coup, which the Obama administration helped rubber
stamp by backing the widely boycotted post-coup elections.
A positive first in U.S. foreign policy toward the region
would be to hold deeply corrupt governments truly accountable for their
actions. Likewise, a just response to the situation at the boarder can start by
understanding that corruption, inequality, and human rights violations abroad
are not accidents but the result of deliberate choices by those in power and
the tacit support of their allies.
As part of their efforts to tackle root causes of migration,
Vice President Harris and Special Envoy Zuñiga have discussed launching an
anti-corruption task force. However, if this initiative goes forward, it would
need to follow robust measures, especially in Honduras, where the president and
his family are implicated in what a U.S. district judge called
“state-sponsored” trafficking.
Lastly, assistance should focus on those most vulnerable to
abuse by those in power, including women, unemployed youth, and Indigenous
populations. Zuñiga recently said that the conversations on root causes broadly
involves members of “civil society, from social issue groups to members of the
private sector, members of the media.” However, for comprehensive and
sustainable change, these groups must also be included when it comes the
distribution of aid and other important actions. Investments should focus on
community-based violence prevention groups, expanding educational and workforce
opportunities, and civil society initiatives that work with local communities.
Just like in the United States, massive spending on prisons
and surplus military hardware will not address underlying socioeconomic
problems, nor will they prevent immigrants from undertaking the perilous
journey north. And providing more funds to Immigration and Customs Enforcement
and U.S. Customs and Border Protection is also not the answer; we have seen too
many examples of abuse to perpetuate cruel and inhumane immigration practices.
But investing in local-led projects that build peace, access to jobs,
healthcare, and education can transform and strengthen communities.
If there is a “crisis” in need of a solution, it’s the
poverty, violence, corruption, and government indifference in many Central
American nations, tacitly endorsed by misguided U.S. policies and only made
worse during the global pandemic. Lack of economic opportunities and access to
basic services, along with climate change and ongoing violence from multiple
actors, create an extremely difficult environment for peaceful living and basic
success.
In addition, Hurricanes Eta and Iota recently shook the
region, and many affected residents have not yet recovered their homes and
livelihoods. The health risks for those who work in the informal economy have
risen exponentially during the current global pandemic. Ensuring conditions for
safe and dignified lives should be the priority.
The Biden administration can work with Congress to address
the root causes of migration. Or it can stick with the status quo. Hundreds of
thousands are waiting for an answer—and some small share of hope.
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